N. 82 - Ottobre 2014
(CXIII)
Cecilia o la Dama con l’ermellino
Clothing
and
Iconography:
New
discoveries
-
PART
iI
by Elisabetta Gnignera
The second interpretation, less immediate, and actually ambivalent, is in my opinion, the following: Cecilia Gallerani, (ie the mythical Galinthia-Galanthis), by distracting /capturing (before Beatrice of Este’s arrival...) the attention of the Moro (maybe perhaps evoked in the Myth by the Moires/the three Fates) later was punished and expelled from the Court.
Because
of
Cecilia’s
expulsion
(which
did
not
occur
before
February
1492,
according
to a
letter
addressed
to
Ludovico
Sforza
by
Bernardo
Bellincioni),
Beatrice
of
Este
was
able
to
conceive
the
royal
Heir,
Ercole
Massimiliano
(born
on
the
25th,
January,
1493).
Since
Cecilia
aroused
the
ire
of
the
goddess
(Beatrice
of
Este),
She
was
then
punished
by
the
expulsion
from
the
Sforza
Court
and
by
Her
removal
from
Ludovico
(the
Moor).
From
a
metaphorical
point
of
view,
when
the
Portrait
was
still
in
progress
(that
is
just
prior
to
the
final
version
of
the
Portrait
which
We
know…)
Cecilia
could
have
been
depicted
by
Leonardo
with
a
weasel
(?),
which
is
the
emblem
of
the
punishment
reserved
to
Galinthia
(who
was
transformed
into
a
weasel
for
deceiving
the
Goddess).
According
to
this
hypothesis,
the
following
sequence
of
events
may
have
occurred:
Leonardo
may
have
started
Cecilia’s
portrait,
even
before
Cecilia’s
pregnancy
when,
namely,
the
presence
of a
weasel
or
an
ermine
was
not
envisaged
yet
[
Figure
1,
Part
I],
this
being
consistent
with
Pascal
Cotte’s
discoveries...
(Cotte,
2014,
pp.
200-207).
In
this,
we
might
think
that
the
poet
Bernardo
Bellincioni
might
have
seen
this
very
first
version
without
the
ermine
as
He
does
not
mention
any
animal,
at
all.
The
poet
Bellincioni
alludes
to
“the
Moor”
as
an
ermine
–
due
to
His
loyalty
and
sincerity
– in
at
least
two
sonnets,
composed
around
the
same
date
as
the
famous
one,
written
to
celebrate
Cecilia’s
portrait
made
by
Leonardo:
«Tutto
ermellino
è
ben,
se
un
nome
ha
nero»
(Bellincioni,
1876,
I,
sonnet
XXVII,
p.56;
my
English
translation:
«He
is a
typical
ermine,
even
if
He
has
a
black/dark
name»);
and
still:
«L’Italico
Morel
bianco
Ermellino»
(Bellincioni,
1876,
I,
sonnet
CXXVIII,
p.
178;
my
English
translation:
«The
Italic
Moor.
The
White
Ermine»).
Consequently,
the
so
strongly
symbolic
presence
of
the
animal
in
the
Portrait,
would
be –
in
all
probability
–
not
only
recorded,
but
also
abundantly
described
by
the
Poet,
by
virtue
of
the
political-
allegorical
meanings
that
the
animal
conveyed
and
which
Bellincioni
already
knew
and
used,
exactly
as
an
allusion
to
Ludovico
(Solmi,
1912,
pp.
491-509).
Again
based
on
Pascal
Cotte’s
findings,
one
also
assume
that
the
Portrait
may
have
been
rethought,
already
by
the
early
months
of
Cecilia’s
pregnancy
with
Cesare
–
around
October
1490
–
when
Cecilia’s
silhouette
was
not
yet
altered,
which
could
possibly
explain
Her
posture,
traditionally
ascribed
to
the
Annunciation
of
the
Virgin
when
being
announced
by
the
Angel,
and
evoked
through
the
possible
inclusion
of a
weasel.
According
to
ancient
legends,
this
animal
was
usually
believed
to
conceive
through
the
ear
and
to
give
birth
through
the
mouth
(see
Part
I).
The
weasel
was
linked,
par
excellence,
to
the
symbolism
of
the
imminent
birth
in
relation
to
the
Myth
of
the
Birth
of
Hercules
that
Leonardo
might
have
known
from
the
reading
of
the
Metamorphoses
of
Ovid, recorded
in
His
personal
library
(see
Part
I).
Again
following
Cotte’s
evidences
regarding
the
presumed
insertion
and
reconstruction
of
the
ermine
(Cotte,
2014,pp.
147-154,
208-216)
– as
We
know
it
in
its
final
version
– I
therefore
believe
that
the
Painting
may
have
been
altered
in
the
course
of
work,
in
at
least
two
different
moments:
first,
the
Painting
could
have
been
modified
after
the
birth
of
Caesar,
perhaps
assimilated
to
the
new
Hercules
and
therefore,
the
presumably
preexisting
weasel
could
be a
hint
of
an
original
celebratory
intent
based
upon
this
myth
(in
this
sense,
it
has
already
been
advanced
the
hypothesis,
according
to
which,
this
portrait
was
commissioned
by
the
Moro
as a
gift
for
the
wedding
of
Cecilia
Gallerani
with
Count
Ludovico
Carminati,
known
as
“the
Bergamino”,
which
occurred
in
July
of
1492,
after
the
birth
of
Cesare
Visconti
Sforza).
Later
– as
pointed
out
by
Pascal
Cotte
–
the
subsequent
remaking
of
the
“ermine”
(which
probably
occurred
after
the
birth
of
Ercole
Massimiliano,
legitimate
son
of
the
Moor?),
turned
the
original
weasel,
into
a
white
ermine;
in
my
opinion,
this
change
could
fully
comply
with
the
sudden
need
to
disguise
any
“politically
dangerous
“allusions;
otherwise,
the
iconography
would
compare,
as
in
the
Myth,
the
two
heirs:
the
natural
son
Cesare
(Heracles-Hercules?)
and
the
legitimate
son
Ercole
Massimiliano
(Eurystheus,
son
of
Sthenelus?),
together
with
the
two
women:
Beatrice
d’Este
(Hera-Juno?)
much
more
powerful
than
the
rival:
the
beautiful
Cecilia
(Almena,
lover
of
Zeus?
Aided
by
the
legendary
Galinthia,
the
weasel?).
Furthermore,
the
ermine
could
consequently
combine
some
symbols
and
references
that
the
contemporaries
would
usually
associate
with
Ludovico
and
-
secondly
-
with
the
same
Cecilia.
First,
it
should
be
recalled
that
Ludovico
Sforza
had
received
the
honorific
investiture
of
the
Order
of
the
Ermine
by
the
King
of
Naples
perhaps
since
November
1486,
(Rona,
1977
pp.346-358)
but
certainly
before
1488:
such
high
honors,
although
greatly
desired
by
Ludovico,
were
nevertheless
declined
for
political
reasons
by
the
same
Ludovico
in
1490
because
of
the
conflicts
which
arose
with
the
Aragoneses
(Pescio,
2000,
p.
64)
after
the
marriage
of
Isabella
of
Aragon
with
Gian
Galeazzo
Sforza,
Ludovico’s
nephew
soon
deprived
of
any
authority
by
His
uncle.
The
fact
that
Ludovico
had
declined
the
coveted
Honour
around
1490,
it
was
considered
by
some
as a
supporting
element
for
a
possible
dating
of
the
painting
around
that
date.
However,
in
my
opinion,
the
correlation
is
not
established
because
the
poet
Bernardo
Bellincioni
in
His
Rime
–
evidently
composed
within
the
12th
of
September
1492
–
the
date
of
His
death,
still
alluded
to
the
Moor
as
to
«the
Italic
Moor,
the
White
Ermine»
for
His
loyalty
and
honesty
in
the
Sonnet
Sir
Ludovico’s
prudence
(my
English
translation).
Still
to
Ludovico
and
to
his
own
"moderation”
(by
a
laudatory
attitude)
it
was
associated
the
proverbial
moderanzia
of
the
ermine
which
was
dealt
with,
even
by
Leonardo
da
Vinci
in
the
so-called
"bestiary":
a
set
of
three
notebooks
dating
back
to
1494
and
included
into
the
"Code
H".
In
His
“bestiary”
Leonardo
wrote:
«Because
of
its
moderation,
the
ermine
only
eats
once
a
day,
and
rather
than
taking
its
refuge
in a
muddy
lair,
the
ermine
allows
the
hunters
to
capture
it
so
as
not
to
stain
its
whiteness
». (
Manuscript
H,
f.
12
r).
Leonardo
also
wrote:
«
Moderation
restrains
all
vices.
The
ermine
would
rather
die
than
get
dirty»
(Manuscript
H
f.48v).
Again
as
an
encomiastic
prerogative
of
Cecilia
Gallerani,
seems
to
have
been
envisioned
by
contemporaries,
that
very
same
honesty
and
loyalty,
evoked
through
the
Ermine.
This
peculiar
(Ermine’s)
symbolism
was
“sifted
out”
by
Marco
Versiero
who
provided
us,
in
my
view,
a
quite
relevant
“allusively
reversed”
interpretation
when
writing
such
passages:
«Although
it
has
often
been
interpreted
as
an
allusion
to
the
feminine
virtues
of
the
portrayed
Lady,
the
animal
[ermine]
actually
serves
to
present
Ludovico
in
disguise.
[This
happens]
Not
only
to
avoid
a
direct
reference
to
the
relationship
with
a
woman
other
than
His
bride
(the
niece
of
the
King
of
Naples,
Beatrice
d'Este),
but,
on
the
contrary,
to
exhibit
such
a
liaison
as a
representation
of
the
kind
of
unofficial
relationships
woven
by
Ludovico
Sforza
a
latere
of
the
network
of
official
powers
involving
His
nephew
Gian
Galeazzo
and
the
men
loyal
to
Him.
We
are
faced
with
a
disguised
presentation
of a
primary
couple
arisen
from
a
somewhat
“lateral
union
(the
non-Duke
Ludovico
and
the
non-Duchess
Cecilia);
[This
couple]
is
at
the
origin
of
that
demi-monde
pro-Ludovico”,
whose
necessity
of
taking
roots
must
be
perceived,
at
the
historical
and
political
moment
under
discussion,
(that
is
before
the
death
of
the
rightful
duke),
as
the
only
possible
means
of
personal
and
political
success.
In
this
sense,
the
recognition
of
the
natural
son
born
to
Cecilia
in
1491
is
fully
explained
as
well
as
the
acceptance
by
Cecilia,
of a
first-rank
status
at
Court,
in
quality
of
Duchess
in
pectore
even
superior
to
the
rightful
First
Lady:
Isabella
of
Aragon
–
wife
of
Gian
Galeazzo
–
to
an
extent
that
exactly
coincides
with
the
measure
by
which
Ludovico
prevailed
on
the
latter
[Gian
Galeazzo]
in
the
effective
leadership
of
the
dukedom»
(Versiero,
2006,
pp.13-14:
my
English
translation).
Therefore,
according
to
the
above-mentioned
premises,
Leonardo
could
have
decided,
at a
later
stage,
to
focus
one’s
attention
on
“the
more
innocuous”
ermine
as a
symbolic
animal,
possibly
alluding
to
the
Family
Name
of
Cecilia
Gallerani
(?)
as
well
as
to
the
Order
of
the
Ermine
(whose
investiture
was
bestowed
on
Ludovico
Sforza
between
1486
and
1488
by
the
King
of
Naples),
and,
finally,
to
the
honesty
and
loyalty
attributed
to
both
Ludovico
Sforza
and
Cecilia
Gallerani.
These
last
moral
qualities
were
steadily
attributed
by
Bernardo
Bellincioni,
poet
at
the
Sforza
Court,
to
Ludovico
il
Moro
that
is
«L’
Italico
Morel
bianco
Ermellino»
(Bellincioni,
1876,
I,
sonetto
CXXVIII,
p.178;
my
English
translation:
«the
Italic
Moor,
the
white
Ermine»),
through
allegorical
verses.
The
final
choice
( to
turn
the
weasel
into
an
ermine
)
would
therefore
appear,
much
more
balanced
and
less
risky
for
the
artist,
who
actually
needed,
not
only
Ludovico’s
protection,
of
course,
but
also
the
support
of
the
influential
Beatrice.
Moreover,
once
informed
of
the
birth
of
His
son
Cesare,
on
May
9th,
1491,
when
the
relationship
with
Cecilia
was
no
longer
at
its
best,
it
was
Ludovico
himself
who
informed
Beatrice
of
the
event,
as
tactfully
as
possible,
according
to
the
Este
‘s
correspondent
Giacomo
Trotti:
«Before
His
departure
from
Vigevano,
with
great
humanity
and
gentleness
His
Lordship
informed
the
illustrious
Duchess,Your
daughter,
of
the
birth
of
the
Child.
He
told
Her
that
a
boy
and
a
servant
was
born
to
Him,
and
that,
as
soon
as
He
grows
up a
little,
He
would
make
Him
available
to
Her
so
that
She
could
avail
herself
of
Him
like
the
noblemen
and
the
noblewomen
used
to
do
with
servants.
He
swore
to
Her
that
he
had
not
touched
the
baby’s
mother
[Cecilia]
from
the
second
day
of
the
Carnival
on,
and
that
He
had
decided
that
He
would
not
touch
Her
[Cecilia
] by
using
tactful
words
in
saying
this.
To
which
[words…]
the
Lady
Duchess
answered
very
cheerfully
and
with
appropriate
words
in a
satisfactory
manner
so
gently
that
anybody
could
not
have
done
better.
Because
of
the
above-mentioned
answer,
the
aforementioned
Ludovico
was
so
much
satisfied
and
happy,
as
to
put
Beatrice
above
the
nine
heavens
[on
a
pedestal/on
top
of
the
world]».
Following
this
documentary
evidence
–
whose
text
has
been
derived
by
the
present
writer,
by
comparison
with
different
versions
of
the
very
same
document
published
in
several
texts
(Covini,
2009,
p.
97;
Pizzagalli,
2008,
p.
129;
Lopez,
2009,
pp.122-123)
– it
becomes
apparent
that
the
relationship
between
the
Moor
and
Cecilia
as
well
as
the
status
of
the
woman
and
Her
son,
had
already
radically
changed
after
the
birth
of
Caesar:
by
Ludovico’s
words,
instead
of
being
considered
a
second
Hercules,
Caesar
is
even
downgraded
to
being
a
"servant"
of
Beatrice...Such
an
interpretation
together
with
the
introduction
of
the
ermine,
could
postpone
the
dating
of
the
remaking
and
the
final
version
of
The
Lady
with
an
Ermine
at
least
to
the
years:
1491-93.
It’s
exactly
during
the
years
1493-1494,
that
Leonardo
sketched
a
new
political
allegory
referred
to Ludovico
il
Moro,
that
is
the
intended
allegory
of
the
Ermine
with
mud. Galeazzo
between
calm
weather
and flight
of
fortune,
included
into
Manuscript
H at
folio
98
recto
and
dating
to
about
1494.
In
the
previous
years,
Leonardo
had
already
dealt
with
the
themes
of
moderation
and
prudence
as
distinctive
attributes
of
the
Moor,
through
other
political
allegories;
among
the
examples
-
carefully
studied
by
Marco Versiero,
in a
recent
contribution
quoted
herein
– I
wish
to
mention:
the
Allegoria
dello
Stato
di
Milano
dating
to
1485-1488;
(my
English
translation:
the
Allegory
of
the
State
of
Milan
alias
the
Allegory
of
the
government
of
the
Dukedom
of
Milan)
sketched
with
pen
and
brown
ink
on
yellowed
paper;
the
drawing
is
included
in
Oxford,
Christ
Church
Collection
inv.
JBS
18
(0037);
the
Allegory
of
the
“Moro
cogl’
occhiali
e la
’nvidia
colla
falsa
infamia
dipinta
e la
giustizia
nera
pel
Moro
dating
to
about
1494
(my
English
translation:
the
Allegory
of
the
Moor
with
spectacles
and
the
Envy
together
with
the
False
Infamy
painted
and
the
Justice
[in]
black
for
the
Moro"),
a red
chalk
drawing
retouched
by
pen
and
ink
on
white
paper.
The
sketch
is
collected
in
the
Musée
Bonnat
in
Bayonne
(
inv.656
recto).
Leonardo
was
probably
asked
by
Ludovico,
to
impress
progressively,
through
His
work,
the
collective
imagination,
by
establishing
a
clear
correspondence
between
the
political
virtue
of
moderation
and
Ludovico’s
own
figure
and
actions.
According
to
Versiero,
this
is
evident,
even
considering
the
sketches
for
the
scenic
equipment
(
about
1491:
a
drawing
in
red
pencil,
pen
and
ink,
included
in
the
Ms.
Arundel
263
at
folio
P1 –
formerly
250–
which
is
accompanied
by
notes
for
the
scenic
equipment
of
one
of
the
knights
participating
in
the
tournament
organized
by
Galeazzo
Sanseverino
(captain
of
the
Milanese
militias)
on
the
occasion
of
the
Marriage
of
Ludovico
il
Moro
and
Beatrice
d 'Este
(1491).
On
this
subject,
Versiero
expressed
himself
as
follows:
«Since
this
detailed
study
relates
definitely
to
the
figure
of
Prudence
enthroned,
[...]it
may
be
inferred
that
We
are
in
the
presence
of
an
early
portrayal
of
the
Prudence
of
the
Moor
with
a
“pharaonic”
costume,
subsequently
codified,
by a
more
complex
allegorical
device,
in
the
paper
of
Bayonne.
The
notes
accompanying
the
drawings,
in
fact,
document
the
intention
of
Leonardo
to
paint
on
“a
wheel
whose
center
is
placed
in
the
middle
of
the
rear
leg
of
the
horse”,
a
figure
of
“Prudence
[
Prudenzia]
dressed
in
red
because
of
the
charity,
and
seated
on a
throne
of
fire
[with]
a
paper
and
a
laurel
branch
in
Her
hand
to
signify
the
Hope
originating
from
conveniently
serving”»
(Versiero,
2010,
p.110).
In
this
case,
the
political
declination
for
the
Ermine
soiled
with
mud,
a
political
allegory
coeval
to
the
Favola
or
Allegoria
dell’ermellino
(The
ermine
as a
symbol
of
purity) a
sketch
made
by
Leonardo
on a tondo
of
91
mm
in
diameter
with
pen,
dark
ink
and
black,
now
preserved
at
the
Fitzwilliam
Museum
in
Cambridge
(Accession
number
PD.120-1961)
and
considered
as a
draft
sketch
for
an
allegorical
medal
[Figure
4] is
to
be
read
in a
two
ways.
.
Figure
4
.
Leonardo da Vinci, the Favola or Allegoria dell’ermellino (The ermine as a symbol of purity), approx. 1494 ‒ a sketch on a tondo of 91 mm in diameter made in pen, dark ink and black chalk on paper, and referred to as a draft sketch for an allegorical medal. Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum (Accession number PD.120-1961)
On
one
hand,
the
Ermine
soiled
with
mud
is
likely
to
be
read
as a
symbolic
response
to
the
allegations
(the
mud
thrown
onto
the
ermine...)
which
were
addressed
to
Ludovico
il
Moro
in
those
years.
Actually,
Ludovico
was
considered
guilty
of
having
got
rid
and
imprisoned,
in
September
1489,
some
men
loyal
to
Gian
Galeazzo:
the
noble
Ghibelline
Pallavicino
Pallavicini,
Aloisio
Terzago
(elsewhere
Luigi
Terzaghi),
and
His
brother
Filippo
Eustachi
. In
the
eyes
of
many,
Ludovico
was
generally
guilty
of
having
usurped
by
deception,
the
power
of
His
nephew
and
rightful
Duke
Gian
Galeazzo
who
will
die
of
the
disease
(?
by
poisoning)
on
October
22nd,
1494;
On
the
other
hand,
the
allegory
should
be
read
as a
veiled
accusation
(charged
by
the
Artist),
about
the
ambiguous
behavior
of
Ludovico
personified
by
the
ermine
soiled
with
mud:
at
this
regard,
I
wish
to
expose
hereafter
the
annotations
expressed
by
Marco
Versiero
in
respect
of
the
above-mentioned
allegory:
«An
enigmatic
annotation
of
Leonardo,
“Ermine
with
mud. Galeazzo
between
calm
weather
and flight
of
fortune”,
provides
us
the
probable
sign
of a
political
allegory
where
the
virtue
of
“moderanzia”–which
the
ermine
(that
is
Ludovico)
is
endowed
with
–
allows
Him
[the
ermine/Ludovico]
to
attend
the
alternation
of
bad
and
good
‘luck’
in
the
life
of
His
nephew:
but
the
expression
“ermine
soiled
with
mud”
to
mean
for
an
ermine
which
renounced
its
purity
and
became
soiled
with
mud,
could
also
refer
to
the
sudden
choice
of
Ludovico
to
abandon
a
moderate
political
attitude
to
undertake
an
audacious
coup
de
main.
Indeed,
the
allegory
of
the
“tempo
nimboso”
[
cloudy
weather]
which
Leonardo
alludes
to,
in
the
second
part
of
the
note,
could
be
read
in
this
sense:
Galeazzo
fell
from
a
“quiet
time”
down
to a
situation
where
benign
Luck
abandoned
him
(“fleeing
Luck”).
The
meaning
is
reversed,
therefore,
compared
to
the
(more
conventional)
one,
embraced
so
far,
by
scholars
(Galeazzo,
passing
from
storm
to
calm
thanks
to
the
protection
and
guidance
of
his
uncle);
in
confirmation
of
Leonardo’s
interest
for
aspects
related
to
Ludovico’s
unscrupulous
administration»
(Versiero,
2004,
pp.111-112;
italics
mine).
Similarly
–
behind
an
apparent
symbolism
alluding
to
the
virtues
of
the
Moro
and
of
Cecilia
Gallerani
– in
The
Lady
with
an
Ermine,
there
may
actually
be
hidden,
in
my
opinion,
an
“encrypted
denunciation”
of
the
struggles
of
power
to
the
detriment
of
Cecilia
Gallerani.
The
Myth
of
The
Birth
of
Hercules
perfectly
fits
these
struggles.
In
support
of
this
hypothesis,
showing
a
constant
modus
operandi
of
Leonardo,
I
quote
once
again
from
Marco
Versiero,
a
fine
interpreter,
in
my
opinion,
of
the
political
and
allegorical
scenarios
in
which
Leonardo
operates:
«In
fact,
Leonardo
is
comparable
to
any
other
inventor
of
allegories
both
for
the
choice
of
themes
(
possibly
determined
by
the
Patron,
directly
or
through
the
mediation
of
some
learned
scholar)
and
for
the
use
of
two
species
of
symbols:
the
heraldic
symbols
(
recalling
the
family
origins
and
the
lineage
of
the
patron)
and
the
propagandistic
symbols
(inspired
by
the
Patron’s
contingent
political
conduct
and
by
His
alliances
with
other
powers).
Nevertheless
– as
Martin
Kemp
has
correctly
pointed
out
–
the
difficulty
of
fully
deciphering
Leonardo’s
allegories,
lies
in
the
fact
that
the
animals
and
plants
encoded
by
emblemata
(even
through
glyptics)
stand
for
Leonardo
da
Vinci,
as
simple
elements
of
nature,
thus
preserving
their
vitality
and
variety
and
therefore
they
end
by
presenting
ambiguous,
or
at
least,
versatile
meanings
»(Versiero,
2006,
p.9;
italics
mine).
Still
considering
the
changes
made
by
Leonardo
on
the
size
of
the
animal
(ermine),
it
should
be
noted
that
the
difference
between
a
weasel
and
an
ermine,
was
quite
clear
to
Leonardo’s
contemporaries:
the
aforementioned
poet
Bernardo
Bellincioni,
boasted,
in
His
verses,
not
to
be
so
silly
and
foolish
that
He
could
not
distinguish
the
weasel
(el
Donel)
from
the
ermine:
I'm
not
so
coarse
and
foolish,
to
buy
the
weasel
instead
of
the
ermine:
nowadays
it’s
You
who
are
a
greenhorn
(Bellincioni,
I,
1876,
I,
sonnet
C.I.,
p.147:
my
English
translation).
Even
though
the
above-mentioned
assumptions
can
be
very
fascinating,
they
must
however,
be
examined
in
the
light
of
rigorous
historical
evidences:
since
Bernardo
Bellincioni
composed
the
sonnet
Sopra
il
ritratto
di
Madonna
Cecilia,
qual
fece
Leonardo
(On
Leonardo’s
Portrait
of
Madonna
Cecilia)
before
His
death
occurred
on
the
12th
of
September,
1492.
We
can
infer
that
by
this
time,
the
Portrait
of
Cecilia
was
near
completion
(?).
Maybe
Leonardo
was
making
changes
as
Pascal Cotte
highlighted
by
His
studies
-
modifying,
in
some
way,
the
original
version
of
the
Portrait...
after
this
date...
The
subsequent
introduction
of
the
ermine,
together
with
its
revised
proportions
when
considered
in
relation
to
the
symbolism
conveyed
by
the grecian
Myth
of
The
Birth
of
Hercules
may
give
rise
to
at
least
two
possible
scenarios
within
which
Leonardo
has
developed
his
creative
processing:
a
first
possible
scenario,
in
my
view,
involves
the
possibility
that
the
Portrait
was
possibly
started
before
the
birth
of
Caesar Visconti
Sforza
(on
May
3rd,
1491)
to
be
then
reworked
after
Caesar’s
Birth,
when
the
sex
of
the
child
was
finally
certain
and
Cecilia’s
silhouette
was
no
longer
altered
by
advanced
pregnancy.
At
the
same
time,
Cecilia
was
in a
favorable
status
to
consent
the
creation
of a
sophisticated
enigma
arising
from
the
Myth
of
Hercules’
Birth;
maybe
Leonardo
assimilated
Cecilia
to
Alcmene,
unaware
Mistress
of
Zeus
and
mother
of
His
natural
son,
and/or
Leonardo
assimilated
Her
to
Galanthis,
the
woman
then
transformed
into
a
weasel.
The
habit
of
alluding
to
the
identity
of
the
portrayed
Lady
by
using
learned
figurative
rebus,
was
one
of
Leonardo’s
typical
aptitudes.
This
scenario,
which
would
support
the
hypothesis
of
an
original
intention
of
the
artist
to
“celebrate”
the
natural
son
of
the
Moro,
Caesar,
by
mythologizing
His
conception,
should
be
reconsidered
retroactively,
in
my
opinion,
with
respect
to a
later
combination
of
occurrences.
In a
very
short
time,
this
combination
caused
the
full
“coincidence”
between
the
names
of
the
protagonists
of
the
events
that
We
are
describing
here,
and
one
of
the
most
famous
versions
of
the Greek
Myth
of
The
Birth
of
Hercules.
According
to a
second
scenario,
the
introduction
of
the
presumed
weasel
into
the
Painting,
could allude
to
mythical
birth
of
Hercules:
the
weasel’s
introduction
could
have
probably
taken
place,
during
Ercole
Massimiliano’s
gestation
in
1492.
By
this
time,
Leonardo
might
have
known
about
Ludovico’s
and
Beatrice’s
wish
to
name
their
firstborn
son
“Ercole”
like
the
maternal
Grandfather
in
case
the
child
was
male
(
and
not
a
female).
This
name
may
have
inspired
the
Artist
with
the
idea
to
recall
the
Myth
of
Hercules’
Birth
where
both
the
maid
Galanthis
and
the
weasel
(
depending
on
the
different
versions..)
had
played
a
very
active
role.
Therefore,
metaphorically
speaking,
Cecilia
Gallerani,
by
leaving
the
Sforza
Court,
had
made
possible
Beatrice’s
conception
of
Ercole
Massimiliano...
This
inspiration
could
then
have
been
revised
by
the
Artist,
to
avoid
incurring
in
“dangerous
implications”
which
were
“politically
contaminated”
and
that
could
possibly
“contaminate”
the
myth
which
had
given
rise
to
this
figurative
choice.
Maybe
the
artist
did
not
want
to
run
the
risk
of
vexing
Beatrice
d'Este
(Hera?)
by
referring
to
Cecilia
(mistress
or
weasel?),
as a
second
Alcmene
who,
after
giving
birth
to
Caesar
(
the
adulterous
son
of
the
Moro:
just
like
in
the
Greek
Myth),
parted
from
Ludovico,
thus
allowing
Beatrice
to
conceive
the
rightful
Heir
then
born
to
light:
Ercole
Massimiliano
Sforza?
Ercole
Massimiliano,
the
eldest
son
of
the
Moor,
born
on
the
25th
of
January
1493,
was
baptized
with
the
name
of
Ercole,
in
honor
of
his
maternal
grandfather,
but
He
was
then
called
Massimiliano
in
order
to
please
the
eponymous
emperor
Maximilian
I of
Habsburg
(Vienna,
March
22,
1459
-
Wels,
January
12,
1519)
who
married
in
1494,
Bianca
Maria
Sforza,
niece
of
Ludovico
il
Moro.
Given
the
aforementioned
hypotheses,
We
must
now
cross-check
the
biographical
data
of
the
possible
protagonists
of
this
story:
immortalized
in
the
so-called
Sforza
Altarpiece,
almost
in
their
entirety,
should
We
decide
to
cautiously
put
in
doubt
the
identification
of
the
child
close
to
Ludovico
il
Moro,
with
Cesare
Visconti
Sforza...
(could
He
be –
more
plausibly
in
my
view
–
Francesco
Maria
Sforza,
Gian
Galeazzo’s
only
son,
born
on
the
30th
of
January
1491
and
called
the
“Duchetto”?)
[Figures
5-6].
.
Figure
5
.
Master of the Sforza Altarpiece, Holy conversation with Madonna enthroned with Child and the Doctors of the Church: St. Ambrose, Saint Gregory the Great, St. Augustine and St. Jerome, 1494-95. Milan, Pinacoteca of Brera
.
Figure
6
.
Sforza Altarpiece: detail of the Patrons: Ludovico Sforza and Beatrice of Este with their firstborn son, Ercole Massimiliano (paired with Beatrice) and the presumed Cesare Visconti Sforza (?) natural son of Ludovico, paired, in this case, with His father (?).
If
considering
that
Caesar
Sforza
Visconti
was
born
on
May
3th,
1491
and
that
Beatrice
of
Este
will
give
birth
to
Her
first
son
Ercole
Massimiliano
on
January
25th,1493,
the
changes
related
to
the
ermine
and
brought
to
light
by
Pascal
Cotte,
might
even
be
placed
in a
period
of
time
“in-between”
the
two
events.
I
can
think
of
an
advanced
stage
in
Beatrice
of
Este’s
pregnancy,
maybe
within
September
12,
1492
(?):
date
of
the
death
of
the
poet
Bernardo
Bellincioni
who
saw
the
Painting
and
described
it
but
by
omitting
any
reference
to
the
ermine
in
the
wellknown
sonnet
whose
composition
represents
our
terminus
ad
quem
for
a
possible
intermediate
dating
of
the
Painting,
possibly,
a
few
months
before
the
birth
of
Ercole
Massimiliano.
In
this
later
stage
of
Beatrice
d'Este’s
pregnancy,
We
cannot
exclude
the
possibility
that
Leonardo
was
aware
of
Ludovico’s
and
Beatrice’s
intention
to
name
the
baby
“Ercole”
–if
it
was
a
male
–
just
like
the
mythical
Hero
of
our
relevance,
and
in
honor
of
His
maternal
grandfather.
Such
a
combination
of
events,
could
have
caused
the
artist’s
need
to
change
the
iconography
of
the
Portrait,
through
the
magnification
of
the
animal
that
would
become
an
ermine
out
of
the
previous
weasel,
as a
tribute
to
the
figure
of
Ludovico
and
His
moral
and
political
virtues
symbolized
by
the
mythical
animal.
The
ermine
would
also
allude
to
Cecilia
Gallerani,
as
well,
thus
evoking
Her
Family’s
name.
This
“rethinking”
of
the
Portrait’s
iconography,
maybe,
had
the
purpose
to
avoid
a
dangerous
situation
of
impasse
when
it
would
be
inappropriate
to
represent
Cecilia
as a
second
Alcmene,
mother
of
Heracles,
at
the
moment
when
Beatrice
was
giving
birth
to
the
rightful
Heir,
the
new
Hercules,
in
name
and
in
fact,
if
it
was
a
boy...
Therefore,
considering
the
details
of
clothing
and
the
possible
symbolism
as
conveyed
both
by
the
initial
iconographical
choice
to
represent
perhaps
a
weasel
and
the
subsequent
one,
derived
by
the
replacing
of
the
weasel
with
the
current
ermine,
in
my
opinion,
the
most
plausible
scenario
is
that
the
Portrait
could
be
started
even
before
Caesar
Sforza
Visconti’s
conception
(
within
May-June
1490)
but
I
think,
ultimately,
that
the
Painting
was
“a
work
in
progress”,
modified
because
of
some
decisive
events
such
as:
during
Caesar
Sforza
Visconti’s
gestation
and
after
His
birth
(3rd
May
1491);
during
Ercole
Massimiliano’s
gestation
and
after
His
birth
(
25th
January,
1493).
These
assumptions
lead
me
to
assume
that
Leonardo
went
beyond
the
date
of
death
of
Bernardo
Bellincioni
–
maybe
even
after
the
birth
of
Hercules
Massimiliano
– to
rehash
(by
bringing
it
to
an
end),
the
portrait
that
Bellincioni
could
possibly
have
seen
and
described
in
the
wellknown
sonnet
composed
before
His
death,
occurred
on
September
12th,
1492.
Perhaps
Bellincioni
had
access
to
the
already-done
painting
by
the
original
version
without
the
ermine
and
which
preexisted
(maybe
a
few
years
...)
to
the
final
version
which
was
preserved
till
now.
After
all,
in
the
sonnet,
Bellincioni
did
not
mention
either
a
weasel
or
an
ermine;
most
likely,
the
eventual
ermine’s
presence
would
have
been
described
by
the
poet
under
the
strong
symbolic
implications
of
this
animal
which
was
considered
by
His
contemporaries
(among
them
We
include
the
poet
himself),
as
emblematic
of
Ludovico
il
Moro.
To
be
clear,
I
wish
to
emphasize
once
again,
that
these
hypotheses
of
dating,
arise
from
a
joint
analysis
of
the
clothing’s
details,
which
the
present
writer
previously
highlighted
in
Pascal
Cotte’s
book
Lumière
on
the
Lady
with
an
Ermine/Lumière
sur
la
Dame
à
l’Hermine
(Cotte,
2014,
pp.
21-23,
78
-87,
171,
178,
182,
217),
as
well
as
in
the
introduction
to
this
paper,
together
with
some
of
the
most
relevant
and
hitherto
unpublished
discoveries
of
remakes
managed
by
Leonardo da
Vinci
and
illustrated
by
Pascal
Cotte.
These
findings
suggested
me
some
possible
and
intentional
connections
with
the
mythological
legend
of
The
Birth
of
Hercules.
This
mythological
legend,
when
translated
into
the
events
going
on
at
the
Sforza
court,
constitutes
in
itself,
a
kind
of
chronological
reference
within
the
Portrait,
related,
in
my
opinion,
to
the
months
of
May
and
June
1491,
soon
after
the
birth
of
Caesar
Visconti
Sforza,
till
the
advanced
pregnancy
of
Beatrice
d'Este,
by
the
12th
of
September
1492:
terminus
ad
quem
due
to
the
death
of
Bernardo
Bellincioni
who
saw
and
described
the
Portrait
but
during
an
intermediate
stage
since
the
Portrait
may
have
been
revised
and
completed
by
the
artist
even
after
the
birth
of
Ercole
Massimiliano
Sforza
occurred
on
the
25th
of
January,
1493.
Elisabetta
Gnignera
(specialist
in
the
History
of
Costume
and
Hairstyles
of
the
centuries
XIII–XVI)
all
rights
reserved
©
